Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, August 28, 2014
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Leana Wen, MD, an emergency physician who has worked in inner city hospitals in St. Louis, Boston and Washington, D.C., writes in her blog about the painful experience of administering short term fixes to patients whose long term afflictions lie beyond her realm.
She describes a 19-year-old who has come to the emergency room three
times with cuts and broken bones and gunshot wounds. An 8-year-old
without an inhaler living among relatives in an overcrowded house with
lots of smokers comes to the emergency room struggling to breathe. A
38-year-old single mother diagnosed with cervical cancer four years ago
never got to see a doctor as she struggled with three part time jobs,
the care of four children and inadequate insurance. By the time Dr. Wen
saw her in the emergency room, her cancer had spread to her lungs and
"We in the ER provide a necessary service, but it's far from being sufficient," she writes in her blog The Doctor is Listening.
"We need to recognize that health does not exist in a vacuum, that it
is intimately tied to issues such as literacy, employment,
transportation, crime and poverty. An MRI here, a prescription there,
these are Band-Aids not lasting solutions. Our communities need
innovative approaches to issues like homelessness, drug addiction,
obesity and lack of mental health services." The route to good health,
Dr. Wen says, is in the community. Dr. Wen is coauthor of the book When Doctors Don't Listen.
When he was still writing the Wonkblog for the Washington Post, Ezra Klein
described an experiment in Oregon to rebuild the state's Medicaid
program around community health rather than individual fee for service
treatments. Klein tells a story Oregon Gov. John Kitzhaber loves to
tell. Kitzhaber, a former emergency room physician himself, calls it an
illustration of what's wrong with our healthcare system. A 90-year-old
woman with well-managed congestive heart failure lives in an apartment
without air conditioning. When her apartment gets too hot, the strain on
her cardiovascular system causes heart failure. Medicare will pay for
an ambulance and $50,000 to stabilize her, but not $200 for a window air
The 90-year-old may be hypothetical, but the story illuminates a
common paradox, and Oregon's experimental approach starts with creation
of 16 Coordinated Care Organizations (CCOs) that are responsible for assessing the health of their communities. Kitzhaber has given the CCOs flexibility on how they can spend Medicaid money. They can buy that air conditioner. An NPR story
describes a Medicaid purchase of a minivan for community health workers
who can be available around the clock to pregnant women trying to stop
substance abuse, and to help mothers get to doctors' appointments,
school and jobs. What makes CCOs different from accountable care
organizations, or managed care, is the community component. Once they
assess needs, they have to come up with ways to address them. So money
can be spent on care coordination and community health workers with the
aim of preventing some expensive emergency care. Gov. Kitzhaber told
Klein, "We're investing in health. It's just a paradigm shift."
With thanks to Annette Garner, who teaches in the nursing program at the Health & Science University, Portland, Oregon.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, August 21, 2014
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makers concerned with income inequality need to focus more attention on
improving the early environment of disadvantaged babies and toddlers,
recent economic analysis suggests. Being born into poverty doesn't have
to mean a lifetime of deprivation, researchers say, and the earlier the
helpful intervention, the higher society's return on the investment.
quality early childhood programs have been shown in numerous studies to
have substantial benefits in reducing crime, raising earnings, and
improving educational outcomes, Frances Campbell, Gabriella Conti, James Heckman and colleagues wrote recently in Science magazine, and now research shows that life's earliest experiences strongly effect adult health.
and Conti are among the top economists who have done extensive studies
on human development. They have found that wealthy children and those
from deprived environments have disparities in cognitive performance
even before they start kindergarten, and the gap doesn't close with
time. Research by Heckman and Flavio Cunha
at the University of Pennsylvania shows that the divergence between
rich and poor kids in math ability is about the same at age 12 as it was
at age six.
Eduardo Porter writes in The New York Times
that the achievement gap between rich and poor American students is one
of the widest among the 65 countries that take part in the Program for International Student Assessment run by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Porter suggests the acrimonious debate over how to improve American
education misses the most important time-the years from infancy though
pre-school. Heckman, Conti and others report that interventions from
infancy through age five pay extremely high returns.
Good early programs improve cognitive skills and foster softer skills
such as sociability, motivation, perseverance and self-regulation.
Heckman and colleagues say those are the traits that enable kids to use
their cognitive skills for future learning and adult success.
Two well documented programs are illustrative. The Perry Preschool Project
offered intensive social and cognitive skills building for
disadvantaged three and four year olds from 1962 to 1967 in Ypslanti,
Michigan. A study found Perry graduates at age 40 were more likely than
those in a control group to have finished high school, to hold jobs, and
have higher earnings.
The Abecedarian Project in North Carolina
started in 1972 with 111 infants who were followed from birth through
their mid 30s. The children were randomly assigned with half in an
intervention group and half in a control group. Children in the
treatment group received regular pediatric care, good nutrition, and
stimulation in language, cognition, and emotional self-regulation from
infancy through age five. Parents also were trained. In the second
phase, through age eight, the focus was on math and reading. The group that received the special early care did better
educationally, and by age 30, members of this group were four times
more likely than those in the control group to have graduated from
college, be employed and have health insurance.
health findings were a surprise. Men in the treatment group had less
hypertension and none had metabolic syndrome, the cluster of conditions
that raise the risk of heart disease, diabetes and stroke. One in four
of the control group had metabolic syndrome. Women in the treatment
group were less likely to be obese, less likely to drink before age 17,
and they had healthier habits.
about the small size of these samples? Heckman says the dramatic
disparities between these treatment and control groups actually
strengthen results because such differences are unusual in small sample
In a New York Times article, Heckman wrote
that "the economic rate of return from Perry is in the range of 6
percent to 10 percent per year per dollar invested, based on greater
productivity, and savings in expenditures on remediation, criminal
justice and social dependency. This compares favorably to the estimated
6.9 percent annual rate of return of the U.S. stock market from the end
of World War II to the 2008 meltdown." The Abecedarian Project lasted
five years and cost $67,000 in 2002 dollars, he said, and produced
substantial adult health benefits and cost savings. In Heckman's view:
"Early childhood interventions are an unexplored and promising new
avenue of health policy."
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, August 14, 2014
Updated: Sunday, August 17, 2014
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in an industry often comes from the gradually accumulated effects of
many interacting forces rather than a sudden change, business analyst John Sviokla writes, and what happens to industries impacted by this multifaceted dynamic is a phenomenon he calls "dematurity."
"You can think of dematurity as a crescendo of mini disruptions that add up to great effect," Sviokla writes in Strategy+Business. "It will hit most industries sooner or later; it has struck sectors as
varied as soft ware development, entertainment and defense contracting.
It's happening right now in the U.S. in healthcare and electric power
generation." And results can be surprising.
The term, coined in the early 1990s by former Harvard Business School professors William Abernathy and Kim Clark,
describes what happens when many small companies rapidly adopt multiple
innovations that can rejuvenate practices in an old industry. Sviokla
explains the professors were thinking of the U.S. auto industry, which
was profoundly challenged by Japanese competition, the quality movement
and lean management. But instead of collapsing, the big three Detroit
automakers adopted the tools and techniques of their competition and
aimed for better quality and customer satisfaction.
Sometimes disruption actually helps market leaders. Wharton Management Professor David Hsu, MIT Professor Matthew Marx, and University of Toronto Professor Joshua Gans studied the speech recognition industry
and found start-ups that introduce disruptive technologies with long
term potential are more likely to end up licensing their innovations to
established businesses, or agreeing to be acquired, than they are to
become rivals. They say that's because start-ups are eager to prove the
value of their innovation, and once they do, they often form alliances
with the established businesses or merge with them. These authors call
that a cooperative commercialization strategy that sometimes has the
effect of preserving the status quo. Read their paper here.
says while dematurity can make industries young again, it can also
threaten individual industries if leaders haven't seen it coming in time
to prepare. He cites five "often overlooked but genuinely prescient"
signals of change:
New customer habits:
Mobile phones used only for voice communication in the 1990s didn't
dramatically change people's habits. When people began to use phones for
text messages, reading magazines and books, listening to music, and
playing games, habits changed. They began taking pictures, shopping
online and using multiple apps so business and pricing models changed in
a large group of industries that once operated independently. The same
thing happened in IT when access to services by high speed cloud
connections began to replace web based software.
New Production Technologies:
A recent survey showed more than two thirds of 100 manufacturers report
some use of 3D printing, a burgeoning technology that will have major
impact in many industries in the manufacture of goods, supply chains,
product development, and transportation.
New Lateral Competition:
The emergence of healthcare outlets in bog box stores and retail
clinics is creating competition for primary care providers and hospital
emergency rooms, which will have to adapt. Old and new businesses in
healthcare are trying to keep people out of doctors' offices with
services to promote exercise, control weight, manage disease and offer
When regulations appear to pave the way for self-driving cars, major
dematurity can be expected in public mass transit and private
New Means of Distribution:
Digital infrastructure has already dematured media and entertainment.
Regulations allowing expanded commercial use of unarmed aerial
vehicles-drones-would have major impact in fields such as law
enforcement, insurance, and delivery of emergency supplies to remote
areas. Amazon plans to use drones to deliver merchandize, and some
analysts predict drones are the transportation of the future.
Sviokla is co-author of The Billionaire Effect: What Extreme Producers Can Teach Us about Breakthrough Value. He is a principal and advisory innovation leader with PwC. Read his Strategy +Business article here and the David Hsu article here.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, August 07, 2014
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After following nearly 800 Baltimore school children for almost three decades, researchers at Johns Hopkins University found most of the children grew up to have about the same socio-economic status as their parents. Those born poor stayed poor. Those born to more economically successful families fared better.
Johns Hopkins sociologist Karl Alexander PhD, and fellow researchers, the late Doris Entwisle, PhD, and Linda Olson MA, tracked 790 Baltimore children from the time they entered first grade through their late 20s. They repeatedly interviewed the students, their parents and their teachers through their school careers, and continued conversations with the maturing students as they entered the work force and started families. Their research is presented in their book, The Long Shadow: Family Background, Disadvantaged Urban Youth, and Transition to Adulthood.
The findings are described on the Johns Hopkins website. Only 33 children born to impoverished families earned high incomes as young adults, whereas 70 would have been expected to have high incomes if the family of origin did not impact the children's prospect for upward mobility, the researchers reported. Only 19 of those born to well off families dropped into the low income bracket as adults.
Only four percent of those from low income backgrounds had a college degree by age 28, a figure Alexander found shocking. By contrast, 45 percent of children born to higher income families had college degrees. And race played a significant role in adult outcomes. While 45 percent of white men from low income families had landed one of the shrinking number of industrial jobs in the area, only 15 percent of black man from low income families had such jobs. White men self-reported having the highest rates of drinking, smoking and drug use, though black men had slightly higher arrest rates and white men were more likely to be employed despite their records and substance use. Alexander said white men were more likely to have social networks that helped them find jobs.
In an interview with NPR, Alexander said we expect that if we "Play by the rules, work hard, apply yourself and do well in school ...that will open doors for you." But the Baltimore study suggests that what makes the difference between success and failure is money and family. Still, a few defy the odds against them. NPR interviewed one young woman in the study whose harrowing childhood included drug addicted parents and neighborhood chaos. "I remember being so immune to death, so immune to shootings and killings. I just remember wanting them to rush, like get the body out of the way so we can get back to playing hopscotch or dodgeball," she said. But she managed to get a well-paying job and give her two children more stability and motherly support. She says she has a strong relationship and plans to be married.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, July 31, 2014
Updated: Friday, August 01, 2014
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can learn very early in life to fear something that frightened their
mothers even before they were born. Scientists have known for some time
that trauma can ripple through generations. New research on fear
transmission may help explain how that happens.
team of researchers from the University of Michigan Medical School
taught a group of female rats to fear the smell of peppermint by
repeatedly accompanying the smell with mild but unpleasant electric
shocks. That was before they were pregnant. After the rats became
pregnant and gave birth, the team exposed them to the peppermint smell
again, without the shocks, to induce the fear response again.
A story on the university website by Kara Gavin
explains that the babies of fearful mother rats, and a comparable group
of rat pups whose mothers had no fear of peppermint, were exposed to
the smell under many conditions with and without their mothers. When
babies were separated from their mothers and exposed to the minty smell
along with air piped to them from a nearby container occupied by their
frightened mothers, they quickly learned to fear the smell. The trigger
for learning apparently was the scent the mothers give off when they are fearful.
"Our research demonstrates that infants can learn from maternal expression of fear very early in life," said Jacek Debiec,
MD, PhD, the psychiatrist and neuroscientist who led the research.
"Before they can even make their own experiences, they basically acquire
their mothers' experiences. Most important, these maternally
transmitted memories are long-lived, where other types of infant
learning, if not repeated, rapidly perish."
In a paper published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Science, Debiec and colleague Regina Marie Sullivan
PhD, describe how brain imaging, studies of the genetic activity of
individual brain cells, and monitoring blood levels of cortisol, the
stress hormone, were used to examine the working of fear in the brain.
They found a brain structure called the lateral amygdale was the key
location for learning fears, and when they gave baby rats something that
blocked activity in that region, they did not learn their mothers'
fear. That could help explain why some offspring of traumatized mothers
don't inherit fears. The authors hope the work will aid understanding of
post-traumatic stress and other mental ills in humans.
recalls working with adult children of Holocaust survivors who had
nightmares and flashbacks related to experiences they had not endured
themselves. Rachel Yehuda,
a psychiatrist at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York, has studied
descendants of Holocaust survivors and the children of women who were
pregnant and in or near the World Trade Center on 9/11/2001. She found
evidence of intergenerational trauma transmission that could not have
occurred through storytelling. She was not involved in Debiec's work,
but she told Arielle Duhaime-Ross of Verge
magazine that the study is valuable because it provides molecular
analysis that would not be possible in living human brains. She said
understanding the brain changes that occur with intergenerational
transmission could help people understand the long-term impact of
parental experiences. "Your fears are not only a response to your
personal experiences," Yehuda told Verge, "but those that your parents
had as well."
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, July 24, 2014
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tend to choose friends who share our interests and outlooks, but our
selections may have less conscious and more ancient roots. Recent
research suggests friends share genetic similarities and that resulting
social networks play an important role in human evolution.
In their paper "Friendship and Natural Selection," published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Science, Nicholas Christakis, a physician and social scientist at Yale, and James Fowler,
a professor of medical genetics and political science at the University
of California at San Diego, write that the number of genetic markers
shared by two friends is about what they would have if they were fourth cousins.
That amounts to about one percent of a human's genetic markers. That doesn't sound like much, but Fowler explains in a Washington Post story
that has huge implications for human evolution. Researchers found the
genes that friends have in common seem to be evolving faster than other
genes, so our social environments and social networks could be a key
no gene for friendship, and no way to predict friendship among people
because of a particular genetic trait. But the genetic data of two
people provides clues to whether they will become friends. The
researchers developed a genetic "friendship score" that suggests the
likelihood of friendship. Individuals don't consciously recognize these
similarities, but they are statistically measurable in huge data sets.
are likely to share genes associated with the sense of smell. Being
drawn to the same scent could attract us to certain environments, the
authors suggest: people who like the smell of coffee might be drawn to
coffee shops where they meet others who like the smell. The authors
think our sense of smell may be one of the mechanisms humans use to
identify genetically similar friends, though they emphasize more
research is needed to discover how that happens.
and Fowler examined genetic information and details of social
relationships documented among nearly 2,000 people who participated in
the Framingham Heart Study
that began in 1948. They and colleagues analyzed nearly 1.5 million
markers of gene variations, and compared the data for pairs of unrelated
friends and pairs of unrelated strangers. Because nearly all the people
in the study had similar European origins, the findings weren't
explainable by the tendency to gravitate to others of similar
friends are less likely to share genes associated with immunity to
specific diseases, the authors note, and that that could be an
evolutionary advantage. We're somewhat less susceptible to the things
that sicken our friends.
In their book Connected,
Christakis and Fowler write that social networks are in our genes.
After studying friendship networks among 1,110 twins drawn from national
health data of 90,115 adolescents, they discovered that social network
structure was influenced by genes: kids located at the center of their
networks had a different genetic makeup than those located at the
periphery, and those whose friends were closely connected had different
genetic make than those with friends in divergent groups.
the new paper they discuss the role of genes in a broader social
environment where we interact and collaborate with friends and
strangers. "Our results support the idea that humans might be seen as metagenomic
not just with respect to the microbes within them, but with respect to
the humans around them. It may be useful to view a person's genetic
landscape as a summation of the genes within the individual and within
the people surrounding the individual, just as in certain other
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, July 17, 2014
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technologies allow us to be "in a persistent state of absent presence"
that can erode empathy and connection, according to Virginia Tech
fact, researchers found just having a mobile device within easy
reach-even if you're not holding it or using it-can lessen the quality
of a face to face conversation, reduce empathy among friends, and
deflect our attention from what is happening right before our eyes.
"Mobile phones hold symbolic meaning in advanced technological societies," a research team led by Shalini Misra of Virginia Tech wrote in an article in the journal Environment and Behavior.
"In their presence people have the constant urge to seek out
information, check for communication and direct their thoughts to other
people and words."
the study, 200 participants were divided into pairs and asked to chat
for 10 minutes on either a meaningful topic or a trivial one. Nearby
researchers recorded their nonverbal behavior and the presence or use of
any mobile device at any time during the conversation. Afterwards,
participants were asked about their feelings of personal connectedness
and empathy with their conversational partners. When a mobile device was
visible, participants rated the encounter less fulfilling and less
empathetic. That finding held for trivial and substantial topics, and
the negative relationship between the presence of devices and empathy
was even more pronounced when the conversation was between people who
knew each other. Apparently the mere presence of a mobile device can
derail the natural empathy between friends.
Earlier research by Andrew Przybylski and Netta Weinstein
of the University in Essex in the UK produced similar findings. Pairs
of strangers conversed while seated facing each other. A nearby table,
out of their direct line of vision, held a book and one other item. When the other item was a cell phone, participants reported lower connectedness and a lower quality encounter than when the other item was a notebook.
Research by Sara Konrath and colleagues, reported in Scientific American and at the University of Michigan website,
indicates college students of today are less empathetic than they were
30 years, ago, and that empathy has declined the most in the last
decade. Konrath conducted meta-analysis combining the results of 72
different studies of American college students between 1979 and 2009.
While reasons are uncertain, researchers note the trend has accompanied
the rise of social media and mobile communications.
scientists say those results aren't necessarily discouraging. They show
our brains are plastic and subject to experiential influence. And as
Konrath writes in a Psychology Today blog
mobile communications can make people feel closer to distant loved
ones, and that they have tremendous still fully untapped potential to
help people manage physical and mental illnesses. She notes that
paradoxically the same technology associated with our being stressed and
distracted can be used for people to provide electronic encouragement,
kindness and support to each other.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, July 10, 2014
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Descartes' mind-body duality. A more recent perspective known as
embodied cognition is based on growing recognition that thinking isn't
confined to our brain cells. Our understanding of the world is
profoundly influenced by our bodies and our experiences in physical
reality. Research shows even the way we use our hands offers clues to
how we think, what we know, and when we're ready to learn.
a psychology professor at the University of Chicago, studied hand
gestures used by adults and children and discovered that when gestures
accompany language, they can provide visual and intuitive evidence of
important meanings not explicitly put into words. She reports an
experiment in which young children were asked whether two identical rows
of checkers had the same number of pieces. The experimenter then spread
out the second row and asked again whether the number was the same. One
child said the number was different because the checkers were moved,
and made a spreading gesture with her hands. The answer is wrong but the
gesture matched the speech. Another child gave the same answer, but
pointed at the first checker in each row, and continued moving his
finger between the rows. In that case, the child's gesture conveyed
different information from what he said, so speech and gesture were
kids who mismatched benefited more from instruction, and learned faster
than kids who matched. Further, when experimenters taught a strategy
for solving a math problem correctly, with matching and mismatching
gestures, kids taught with the mismatching gestures were more
successful. Why? Goldin-Meadow wrote in Current Directions in Psychological Science
that a conversation in gesture seemed to be taking place along side a
conversation in speech, perhaps adding information, perhaps lightening
the cognitive load, and perhaps aiding memory. Gestures let speakers
convey thoughts they may not have words for, and mismatches may signal
readiness to change a thought or learn new information.
Researchers from Michigan State
showed 184 elementary school children a video about mathematical
equivalence (an equation: 7+2+9=7+__________.) Half of the kids saw the
teacher sweep her left hand beneath the left side of the equation as she
spoke about that side, and her right hand under the right side when she
spoke of the "other" side. The rest of the kids just heard her talk.
When the children were given a different problem based on the same
principle, those who saw the hand gestures were more successful.
Annie Murphy Paul, in the Business Insider Brilliant Blog,
notes that the act of gesturing "seems to accelerate learning, bring
nascent knowledge into consciousness" and aid understanding of new
concepts. She cites Goldin-Meadow's work and a 2007 study by Susan Wagner Cook of the University of Iowa, in which third graders who gestured as they learned
algebra were three times more likely to remember what they learned than
classmates who did not gesture. In another study, Cook found that
college students who gestured as they retold short stories remembered
the story details better.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, July 03, 2014
Updated: Friday, July 04, 2014
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Clayton Christensen, the business scholar who developed the
concept of disruptive innovation, and historian Jill Lepore are Harvard faculty
colleagues. The two professors don't agree on much, and Lepore's sharply written
assault on Christensen's theory has ignited an uproar in academic and business
In his 1997 book the Innovator's
Dilemma, Christensen lays
out his theory of disruptive
innovation, which holds that products or services that begin simply and
inexpensively at the bottom of market, often using new technology, can
eventually displace those of established companies that seem to be doing all
the right things to maintain their success.
The Thinkers50, a biennial ranking of the
world's most influential management theorists, last year for the second time
named Christensen the
top "thought leader" in the world, and disruptive innovation has been one
of the most widely celebrated ideas in modern business.
to Lepore, the theory's
celebration is one of its problems: she thinks it has escaped critical
examination and been carelessly applied to explain too much. In her New
Yorker article "The Disruption Machine," Lepore analyzes how we understand innovation and disruption. Every age has its
theory of history, she writes. The eighteenth century had the idea of progress,
the nineteenth had evolution, and the twentieth had growth and innovation. "Our
era has disruption," she writes, "which despite its futurism is atavistic. It's
a theory of history founded on a profound anxiety about financial collapse, an
apocalyptic fear of global devastation and shaky evidence."
used to have negative connotations, she says, but the idea was redeemed by its
use to describe bringing new products to market. Still, she writes, "The idea
of innovation is the idea of progress stripped of the aspiration of
enlightenment, scrubbed clean of the horrors of the 20th century,
and relieved of its critics. Disruptive innovation goes further, holding out
the hope of salvation against the very damnation it describes: disrupt and you will
In his book, Christensen supports his theory with industrial
case histories. Mainframe computer manufacturers were disrupted when they
missed the market for personal computers. Mini steel mills disrupted the operations of big steel companies,
and a healthy department store industry—the number of stores in U.S. plunged
from 316 to fewer than 10—was disrupted by growth of discount stores. Lepore asserts that Christensen
handpicked his examples, and she introduces evidence to challenge or complicate
his much of his analysis. She notes, for instance, that companies and divisions
that dominated the disc drive industry in the 1980s dominate today, despite
facing disruption Christensen describes from makers of smaller hard drives .She
also points out a high failure rate among would-be disruptive start ups.
In an interview with Drake
Bennett at Bloomberg Business Week, Christensen agrees with Lepore that the
word disruption has become a cliché. But agreement ends there. He calls her
story "a criminal act of dishonesty." Slate's
technology writer Will Oremus says that’s overstating his case, which is
what he accuses Lepore of doing. Oremus concludes that Lepore's cherry picked
examples don't overthrow Christensen's theory any more than Christensen's cherry-picked
examples definitely prove it. In a
in Forbes, Clark Gilbert, chief executive of the Deseret News and Deseret
Digital Media, vigorously defends Christensen’s theory and the scholarship
behind it, as does business consultant John
Hegel in his blog.
Leonard, New York Times columnist
Krugman, and New York
Roose, sympathize with Lepore's views with some caveats. Richard
Feloni at Business Insider reviewed reactions, including tweets from Steven
Sinofsky, the former president of Microsoft's Windows division, who suggests
that both professors are right. He says disruptive innovation has plenty of
exceptions but it's still a useful theory.
What do disruptive innovation theory and its critique look
like through a complexity lens? If
you have thoughts on that, we’d love to hear from you.
Thank you Peter Jones, David Hurst and John Kenagy for your thoughts on disruption and innovation!
Peter Jones, PhD, of OCAD University in Toronto, addresses the issues raised by Jill Lepore and Clayton Christensen in his blog post Reproduction of Disruption, How Innovation Regimes Reproduce Culture.
Reproduction of Disruption
Business consultant and author David K. Hurst, BA, MBA has written two parts of a three part post interpreting disruption from an ecological perspective. He comments, "With the continual emergence of antibiotic-resistant bugs threatening to disrupt healthcare, it seems to me that the ecological/complex systems view is essential."
Disrupting Disruption Theory [Part I]: Storm in a Modernist Teacup
Disrupting Disruption Theory [Part II]: Ecological Transformation
See commentary of John Kenagy, MD, MBA, ScD, FACS "Fireworks: The Disruption of Disruptive Innovation" at his m2s2 e club site.
Posted By Prucia Buscell,
Thursday, June 26, 2014
Updated: Wednesday, July 02, 2014
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pictures may record more than milestone events and the little incidents
we love to remember. New technology may help doctors identify rare
genetic conditions by analyzing ordinary digital photos of faces. Facial
recognition software may even be useful in identifying presently
unknown rare disorders with symptoms that baffle families and doctors.
A New Scientist story by Andy Coghlan
explains that while genetic tests exist for common conditions, such as
Down's syndrome, genetic tests for many more unusual conditions aren't
available because the gene variants that cause them haven't been
discovered. A story in The Independent by Charlie Cooper explains that 30 to 40 percent of genetic disorders involve some kind of change to the face or skull. Software developed at Oxford University
by medical researchers collaborating with the university's Department
of Engineering Science was initially "trained" by analyzing thousands of
photos of people diagnosed with eight genetic disorders. Coughlin's
story explains that the computer "learned" to identify each condition
from a pattern of 36 features in each face.
who designed the software with Oxford colleague Andrew Zisserman,
believes it can help family doctors and general pediatricians make
preliminary diagnoses of health conditions that may have puzzled them.
In the future, Nellaker told The Independent, a doctor anywhere
in the world should be able to take an ordinary smartphone picture of a
patient, run a computer analysis, and find out which genetic disorder a
patient is likely to have. The technology isn't meant to replace
traditional diagnoses, but to aid it by giving doctors information not
otherwise available to them.
Alastair Kent, director of the Genetic Alliance UK, a charitable organization dedicated to helping people with genetic disorders, told New Scientist
that because few physicians are skilled in the diagnostic use of facial
analysis, families often wait years to learn the cause of their
children's problems. Many of the combinations of facial characteristics
that have diagnostic significance would be undetectable to a layman.
Oxford database now has nearly 3,000 photos, and the software can
recognize 90 disorders. As the database grows, the software will enable
researchers to study groups of patients with undiagnosed problems who
share similar facial features and skull structures. That could allow
researchers to identify presently unknown disorders and the explore the
gene variants that cause them, which could potentially improvement